Feudal System and the Hundred Years War

- Yip Chee Hau

Introduction

This paper would discuss the relationship between the feudal system and the Hundred Years War.  It comprises of six parts, namely, a glimpse at the feudal system, the changing feudal system during Capetian Dynasty, the immediate cause and the end of Hundred Years War respectively, the analysis between the feudal system and the Hundred Years War, and the conclusion.

 

A Glimpse at the Feudal System

Feudalism in the strict sense of the term means those links between man and man, going down from suzerain of suzerains (formerly the emperor, then the king) to the very last of the vassals.  In this hierarchy, only knights and nobles were included; commoners and villains always remained outsiders, although clerics might have rank.[1]

 

In feudal system of France, the king was the nominal owner of all land in France.  The king of France allotted his land to dukes, counts, archbishops and abbots.  The great nobles and abbots also allotted his land to viscounts and barons whom re-allot the land to knights.  From the view of dukes, the king was their seigneur and they were the vassals of the king.  At the same time, the dukes were the seigneurs of the viscount and baron.  This system composed of “the seigneur of seigneur” and “the vassal of vassal”.  However, the seigneur did not have direct authority over the “the vassal of vassal”. 

 

In practice, notwithstanding that dukes and counts were the vassals of the king, they were virtually independent.  It was quite common that they did not obey the king.  The fief was at first given only for the lifetime of the vassal, but it quickly became hereditary.  The land under the possession of the duke was passed to his descendants rather than reverting to the king.  Therefore, when a noble declared himself to be the vassal of the king, he nominally gave up his land and then the king re-allotted the land to him.  Besides, a vassal could have more than one seigneur.  For instance, around 1150 the Count of Champagne was the vassal of ten different seigneurs (including the King of France, Duke of Burgundy and Archbishop of Rheims), while he was the seigneur of 2017 vassals.[2]

 

The vassals themselves fell into the habit of parceling it out among their sons, which increased feudal fragmentation and caused a certain impoverishment of some of the petty lords who were more vulnerable to be attacked by the greater lords.

 

In this system, political authority had devolved into bonds of personal loyalty and dependence between the powerful (the seigneurs) and the weak (the vassals).  Power in this age was exercised especially through land ownership.  The surest way for the nobility to build a powerful army was to promise land to the mounted warriors.  By doing an act of “homage[3]”, a warrior, or knight, could be “invested” with land.  Once the land was given, the new owner in essence became “lord” (seigneur) over the peasants and townspeople within his territory.  In effect, he exercised all the function related to the government- especially police and judicial functions.  The only other local official at the local level was the parish priest.

 

Besides fidelity, the duties of the vassal were defined in two words: consilium and auxilium.  The first means participation in the court and council of the sovereign, thus in his justice.  The second entails military aid, joining the army of the lord as he requested, though the obligation was quickly limited to forty days.  Auxilium also entailed financial aid in the so-called ‘four cases’: the ransom of a captured lord, the wedding of his eldest daughter, the knighting of his eldest son, and the lord’s departure on a Crusade.[4]

 

Marriage can be regarded as a strategy to form cohesion with powerful allies.  In contrast with England, the lords, vassals, subvassals, knights and nobles of Capetian France married only among themselves, thus constituting nobility in the strict sense of the term- that is, a group in which status in society is normally hereditary.[5]  This measure could avoid sub-division of fiefs and enhance the network of nobility as well as prompting a sense of pride in lineage.

 

Another characteristic of medieval France was the role of knights in the military system.  Any young man whose family could find the means to equip him with a horse could hope to be trained as a mounted warrior.  The sons of ducal kinsmen and vassals might hope to be placed as young boys in lordly households, where their days would be spent training in the management of horses and weapons, including javelins, lances, and bows and arrows.

 

Survival depended on the skilled use of arms; given the basic equipment, ability might be more important than birth.  There was no class barrier to a military career.  Even a lord of a modest estate might provide a horse and secure an opening for an active, abled-bodied son.  However, lives were tough for the young boys.  A group of brothers from a Giroie family were taken to be trained.  The eldest son, Arnold had a fatal fall during a friendly wrestling match.  Hugh, the sixth son, was injured by a badly thrown weapon when he was practicing hurling javelins.  Fulk, another of Giroie brothers, while serving as the bodyguard of Count Gilbert of Brionne, was murdered together with his lord.[6]

 

The nobles as well as the king, regarded the land inherited as their own or their families.  Therefore, they felt comfortable to divide their land among his descendants and fellows.  In doing so, the inhabitants within his territory were not taken into consideration.  For instance, Louis the Pious divided his kingdom among his three sons, and Charles the Fat made a peace treaty with the Normans, granting them a piece of land along the downstream of Seine.  Louis IX restored to the English dukes of Aquitaine a large part of what his father had taken from them not, as he told the councilors who had opposed it, because he was bound to do so ‘but so that there may be love between my children and his, who are cousins’.[7]

 

Feudal System during the Capetian Dynasty

Since the end of Carolingian dynasty and the beginning of Capetian dynasty, the royal influence gradually declined.  The lords of Brittany, the Massif Central and southern France largely ignored the king’s existence, their sense of independence reinforced by the ethnic and cultural distinctiveness of the populations they sought to control.  The strength of Capetians in southern France was based essentially upon the lands held or dominated by the king and his ability to secure vassalage both within the Ile-de-France and its surrounding area.  At the beginning of the eleventh century, Robert II, exercised direct power in less than a tenth of his kingdom, a compact of land stretching from Paris in the north to Orleans in the South. (See Appendix I)  Hence, he was the immediate feudal lord.  Elsewhere, he was merely king, compelled to rule through vassals who exercised the royal power for him but did so in their own names and with an independence which reduced the monarchy to a portentous dignity.[8]  The dukes of Normandy, strengthened by their capacities as kings of England, even refused to do homage to French king until well into the twelfth century.

 

To strengthen the royal power, the establishment of a military and political dominance over princes and nobles who remained royal vassals was necessary.  It required the development of the administrative, financial, judicial and military systems to assert, and subsequently, to maintain the royal power.  The pre-requisite of such establishment was monetary resources.  The Capetians were lucky enough to benefit from the location of their territories in a fertile region crossed by waterway and roads.  The financial power was strengthened simultaneously by the growth of economic activities together with the growth of population.  Increased economic activities resulted in the growth of revenue from royal domain, from feudal dues and the administration of justice, tolls and taxes.  The increase in royal revenue allowed the development of a salaried and development bureaucracy and powerful armies, as well as the construction of stone fortresses.

 

The growth of population and of economic activity was crucial important for the accumulation of the royal power during such key periods as the late eleventh to early twelfth century and the early fourteen century.

 

In addition to strengthened financial power, the capabilities of the kings were no less important.  Louis VI and Philip Augustus who had strong and effective personalities were able to tighten the ties or vassalage and re-affirm its hierarchical character.  They were willing to take judicial and military action against the disloyal lords if needed.  In contrast with kings and princes who were able to avoid the sub-division of their property by inheritance, lesser nobles were weakened by the passing of each generation.  The weak nobles of the surrounding area were forced to do homage.

 

The Capetian kings were also blessed by the church.  The doctrine of monarchical superiority was clearly enunciated by Louis VI’s adviser, Suger, the Abbot of St. Dennis, who insisted that vassals of the king’s vassals owed primary allegiance to the monarch, rather to their direct seigneurs.[9]  This ran contrary to the long established custom that “the vassal of my vassal is not my vassal”, and Philip Augustus was able to require homage from King John of England who was the vassal of Normandy and Aquitaine.  In so doing, the king of France was able to weaken the authority of the English king over his vassals in those provinces.

 

Marriage and dowries they brought were another means by which the Capetian kings acquired territory.  Philip Augustus in 1180, for example, obtained the Boulenois and Artois on his marriage to the niece of the Count of Flanders.  The failure of the marriage of a brother of St. Louis and the heiress of the Count of Toulouse (in 1229) to produce issue led to Toulouse becoming part of royal domain in 1271; it was by marriage, too, that Philip the Fear acquired Champagne and Brittany in 1291.

 

Immediate Cause of Hundred Years War

Charles IV had no direct heir as king of France.  Edward III, being the nephew of the late king, appeared to have a good claim to succeed Charles IV.  His mother was the daughter of Philip IV, the father of Charles IV.  In term of kinship, Edward’s claim was reasonable.  Phillip, count of Valois, being French, was the nephew of Phillip IV, had kinship close enough for him to lay a claim. (See Appendix II)

 

Philip of Valois was recognized by an assembly of leading nobles and clergy meeting at Vincennes.  The grounds were that Philip were more suitable than Edward III because Philip was French; he was eighteen years older than Edward and he had always lived in France.  The legitimacy of the succession was not questioned for the first few years after Philip VI was crowned.  Edward III even paid homage to Philip at Amiens in 1329.

 

The issues of Flanders worsened the relationship between England and France.  The export of wool contributed much to the economy of England.  Starting from Philip IV, France intended to occupy Flanders. In 1328, Philip VI quelled the uprising in Flanders upon the request of Count of Flanders.  Since then, Philip directly involved in the affairs of Flanders.  Edward III ordered the export of wool to Flanders be embargoed.  In 1337, Philip VI declared the duchy related to Edward III confiscated to the French crown because the many acts of Edward constituted disobedience and rebellion to the king.  It was this decision which was taken to mark the beginning of the Hundred Years War.  Edward III laid claim to the throne of France in 1337 in response.

 

The End of the Hundred Years War

The roles of the Dukes of Burgundy in the Hundred Years War had attracted less attention than it deserved.  John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, had long been the political rival of Charles VI.  John the Fearless tried to create a puppet government at Troyes.  In support of a new and violent revolt at Paris, the Burgundian troops entered the capital and massacred all the Armagnacs they could find, from the constable down to his lowliest valets.  Charles VI just had time to flee and crossed the Loire to settle at Bourges.[10]  At a meeting between Charles VI and Duke John at Montereau in September 1949, Duke John was killed by a member of Charles VI’s entourage.  His successor, Philip the Good reached an agreement with the English concerning a joint war against Charles VI.  In May 1420, a treaty signed at Troyes which stipulated that Charles VI repudiated and disinherited his son, banished him ‘for his horrible crimes and misdeeds,’ and gave his daughter Catherine to Henry V, who was recognized as his ‘true son and heir.’  Through such arrangement, the throne would pass to the heir of Henry V.

 

One of the most significant turning-points was undoubtedly the appearance of Joan of Arc.  She helped Charles VII to win several battles and recover a significant portion of land, and be crowned at Rheims. Noting that that English side faced unfavourable circumstances, Philip the Good forsook his support of the settlement made at Troyes.  He then either fought on the French side or acted neutral between the parties.  In 1439, an attempt to make a diplomatic settlement was made.  However, the terms could not be concluded. 

 

Without the support of the Duke of Burgundy, the effective governing of the land under English domain was impossible considering that the manpower of the English troop was limited.  The military resources of England were greatly reduced.  That made the English lose many territories in the following decade until 1453 the French re-captured almost all land in France previously under English domain. (See Appendix III)

 

Analysis of the relationship between the feudal system and Hundred Years War

According to Max Weber, the property ownership and the control of violence are empirically closely related.  In feudalism, militarized landlords, united by oaths of mutual responsibility, were organized to protect themselves and their property against external invasion and internal rebellions and uprisings.  Alternatively, their protected wealth enabled them to employ professional warriors in their service.[11]

 

If we step into the medieval age, we would note that the contest for the throne could also be seen as the issue of succession of the estate of the royal family.  When the succession rule is not clear enough and given that the estate was worth more than the harmony between the family members, a fight amongst the relevant parties could be anticipated.

 

Before the Capetian Dynasty, the throne was not highly sought after by the great nobles.  The king performed nominal authority over his vassals.  It can be noted that the king was selected amongst the great nobles through negotiation.  Land ownership was far more important than the throne itself.  Nevertheless, the throne was associated with the land under royal domain.  The attractiveness of the throne came from the land instead of the throne itself.

 

After the development of a few centuries, the royal power was strengthened through the prosperity of the region under or surrounding the royal domain, political marriage as well as the development of a centralized judicial institution as discussed above.  Such development made the throne more attractive when Edward III laid a claim on it.

 

The triggering issue of the war was regarded as the succession of the throne.  However, the seed of the war can be traced in the twelfth century Henry II simultaneously became duke of Normandy, king of England, and master of Aquitaine by his marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine, previous wife of Louis VII of France.  His power extended from the Scottish Border to the Pyrenees (see Appendix IV), yet technically he remained the humble vassal of the king of France.  Philip Augustus and his successors were able to deal with their powerful vassals tacticfully.  Yet many subjects of disputes remained: feudal obligations, the frontiers of Aquitaine, the north and the west.  Conflict could break out at any moment and it did when the ambitious king of England, Edward III’s interest was at stake.  At that time, the Flanders region involved many trades which implied tremendous financial interests, which was the centre of conflicts.

 

The industrial wealth of France was heavily concentrated in one industry, textiles, and in one region, the north-west: Flanders, Artois and Picardy and a small number of towns in the neighbouring provinces of Normandy and Champagne.  The merchants brought the wool from England and sold it to self-employed artisans to be woven, clean and dyed in many small workshops.  At the end of the process, the merchants bought back the finished product and sold it to middlemen, principally Italians, for distribution as far as Spain, Russia and the Near East.  Although great fortunes had been made, many reasons including the heavy duties and tax imposed on the textile related activities, led to the decline of Flanders as an industrial centre.  Much of the trade moved beyond the frontiers of the kingdom to the imperial territories of Hainault and Brabant.[12]  The situations of Flanders jeopardized the interest of England.

 

Another area of disputes between king of England and king of France is the judicial system.  As discussed above, the king of France developed a centralized judicial system which largely followed the Roman law.  But their counterpart England, also the areas under the domain of the king of England in France were subject to custom law.  When disputes arose in the land under the control of the English and was judged by the royal court against the interest of the lords, it would hamper the relationship between the monarch and the local lords.

 

Furthermore, knights underwent years of training or even life long training.  In order to become a lord or climb up in the military career, he had to take part in warfare and assisted his lord won the battles and hence occupied the lands of his rivals.  This is the only means the knights can climb up the social hierarchy.  If the knights lacked such channels to do so, the whole chain the social mobility would be broken.  As discussed above, being a knight was a dangerous career.  Yet it attracted many young people to do so.  They were not afraid of being killed in war.  They dreamed to be lords some day.  Moreover, the nobles themselves were also trained to be knights.  Once there was opportunity, they would like to demonstrate their skills which they were equipped with for so many years.  Under such circumstances, both the nobles and his knights were keen for battles.

 

The chronicles described that warfare had been aptly called the national industry of the Normans, and it was as fighting men that they were most praised by their fellow-countrymen and remembered, with admiration as well as hatred, by their enemies.[13] 

 

Conclusion

In the medieval age, land is the most valuable asset amongst all the resources.  People would use every effort to have a parcel of land of their own.  When there was more than one owner regarding a piece of land, it would create many problems.  Every owner wanted to take advantage of the activities over the land.  If one of the owners could prevail over the others by military power or other means, the land could be rested in peace since the other owners had no choice but followed the sole authority.  However, if there were two or more equally powered owners and when a single owner tried to expand his interest at the expense of the others, quarrels would happen and subsequently led to war.  During the Hundred Years War, several occasions of negotiations had been made but none could lead to a prolonged period of peace.  A practical issue was that the settlement between the King of England and King of France would not only affect the two royal families, but also the vassals as well as the inhabitants.  For instance, if a parcel of land was granted to England, the local nobles would be deprived of their vested interests.  If no or minimal land was granted, the efforts of the knights and the English nobles were wasted.  Therefore, the war must went on until one party defeated the other completely.






Reference

 

Pierre Goubert, ‘The Course of French History’, Routledge (London and New York), 1998

 

Price, Roger, “A Concise History of France”, Cambridge University Press (New York), 1993

 

Marjorie Chibhall, “The Normany”, Blackwell Publisher, U.S.A., 2001

 

Jonathan Sumption, “The Hundred Years War I, Trial By Battle”, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999

 

Bryan S. Turner, “For Weber Essays on the Society of Fate”, SAGE Publications Ltd, London, 1996

 

張芝聯主編,法國通史,遼寧大學出版社,1999



[1] Pierre Goubert, ‘The Course of French History’, Routledge (London and New York), 1998, p.8

[2] Price, Roger, “A Concise History of France”, Cambridge University Press (New York), 1993, p.27.

[3] The ceremony of homage, later called faith and homage comprised three customary rituals: first the kneeling vassal put his hands in those of the lord, then the oath of fidelity on the Bible or on relics, often accompanied by a kiss on the mouth as if two breaths of life were exchanged.  These two acts were generally followed by a symbolic gift from the lord: a glove, a stick, a ring, a lump of earth, or a twig.

[4] The Course of French History p.8

[5] Pierre Goubert, ‘The Course of French History’, Routledge (London and New York), 1998, p.9

[6] Marjorie Chibhall, “The Normany”, Blackwell Publisher, U.S.A., 2001, p.24

[7] Jonathan Sumption, “The Hundred Years War I, Trial By Battle”, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, pp. 16-17

[8] Ibid, p.15

[9] Price, Roger, “A Concise History of France”, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p.36.

[10] Pierre Goubert, ‘The Course of French History’, Routledge (London and New York), 1998, p.62

[11] Bryan S. Turner, “For Weber Essays on the Society of Fate”, SAGE Publications Ltd, London, 1996, p.204

[12] Jonathan Sumption, “The Hundred Years War I, Trial By Battle”, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, pp. 12-13

[13] Marjorie Chibhall, “The Normany”, Blackwell Publisher, U.S.A., 2001, p.24